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Phonological opacity has always been the subject of much debate in generative phonology, particularly after the emergence of Optimality Theory (OT). According to Antila (2006) Opacity arises when a phonological process applies even if its conditioning environment is not met on the surface (overapplication), or conversely, fails to apply even if its conditioning environment is met on the surface (underapplication). Counterfeeding and counterbleeding interactions cause opacity. It may also be caused by a feeding interaction. Opacity is a challenge for optimality theory which denies phonological rules and intermediate levels between the underlying representation and the phonetic representation. While rule-based approaches that consider intermediate levels have no problem dealing with opacity. This research aimed at introducing opacity, arguing for the existence of Counterfeeding and counterbleeding interactions in Persian, arguing for the opacity of a feeding interaction in Persian, and finally analyzing these opaque interactions within the frameworks of classic Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993/ 2004) and/ or Harmonic serialism (McCarthy, 2000). In order to identify the phonological processes, the data were carefully analyzed according to various phonological environments. Then, these environments were analyzed to determine the constraints involved in each opaque interaction. In this paper, first, the existence of a counterfeeding interaction in the conversion of the underlying representation /bA# am/ to the phonetic representation [bAm] (not to *[bum]) was discussed. This opaque interaction was analyzed within classic OT using enriched positional faithfulness constraint IDENT(low)/#  which causes *[bum] to lose and [bAm] to win. Moreover, the counterbleeding interaction in the occurrence of “nasal place assimilation” between the palatal consonant /Š/ and /n/, and the consequent deletion of /Š/ (the source of assimilation) was discussed. This opaque interaction was analyzed within the framework of Harmonic Serialism by formalizing the markedness constraint Cσ*NP].  Finally, it was argued that the conversion of the underlying /-id/ to [-in] is due to the insertion of [n] between /i/ and /d/, and the consequent deletion of /d/. After arguing why this feeding interaction is considered opaque, it was analyzed within the framework of Harmonic Serialism by formalizing two markedness constraints *id_CL and*nd]. 
 
 

Keywords: Key words: Phonological opacity, Feeding interaction, Counterfeeding interaction, Counterbleeding interaction, Harmonic serialism

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