Tarbiat Modares University Language Related Research 2322-3081 8 6 2017 03 21 Syntax and Phonology Interface: Prosodic Account of Persian Extraposed Restrictive Relative Clauses Syntax and Phonology Interface: Prosodic Account of Persian Extraposed Restrictive Relative Clauses 55 101 6592 FA V. Sadeghi Associate Professor of English, Imam Khomeini International University (RA), Qazvin, Iran S. Mahmoodi Ph.D. in Linguistic, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article In an experimental study, we compared the prosodic contours of two sets of complex sentences containing a relative clause. In one set, a relative clause was in unmark position (head-RL order), in the other, the relative clause was extraposed to the end of the sentence after the main verb. Two intonational parameters (pitch range and peak alignment) were examined on all components of main and subordinate clauses. The finding revealed that in-situ relative clause lacked an F₀rise. while the extraposition made the head noun a focal element showing a) a higher pitch than the same word in the unmarked condition; b) an earlier peak alignment with respect to segmental string as compared to the unmarked condition; c) the accentuation of post focal constituents. In addition, the post focal constituents are not necessarily deaccentuated by all speakers, some speakers tend to continue the rise and the preceding pitch accent up to the end of the main clause, and only de-accent the following extraposed relative clause. In an experimental study, we compared the prosodic contours of two sets of complex sentences containing a relative clause. In one set, a relative clause was in unmark position (head-RL order), in the other, the relative clause was extraposed to the end of the sentence after the main verb. Two intonational parameters (pitch range and peak alignment) were examined on all components of main and subordinate clauses. The finding revealed that in-situ relative clause lacked an F₀rise. while the extraposition made the head noun a focal element showing a) a higher pitch than the same word in the unmarked condition; b) an earlier peak alignment with respect to segmental string as compared to the unmarked condition; c) the accentuation of post focal constituents. In addition, the post focal constituents are not necessarily deaccentuated by all speakers, some speakers tend to continue the rise and the preceding pitch accent up to the end of the main clause, and only de-accent the following extraposed relative clause. https://lrr.modares.ac.ir/article_6592_71dd9b48ff8928e726d4d21a5af243f3.pdf