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Translated literature almost always involves a degree of manipulation of the source text for a certain purpose. Such manipulations are imposed by the ‘patrons’ who try to regulate the relationship between the literary system and the other systems a society is composed of. Working on this fundamental  broadly-acknowledged assumption about translation, the present study aimed at identifying the concepts which are often manipulated in translated literature published in contemporary Iran. It also attempted to spot the manipulative strategies imposed on translations and the counter-manipulative strategies adopted by translators to sidestep those manipulations. Drawing on the findings of the the so-called ‘Manipulation School’ and Dukāte’s typology of manipulation strategies, it did a comparative analysis of the source texts and translated versions of four American novels recently published in Iran. The codification of the data revealed the frowned upon taboo concepts to be descriptions of, or references to, sexual activity, physical contact between the sexes, human body, extramarital relationships, swear words, prostitution, nudity, homoeroticism, alcoholic drinks and dancing. The most frequent manipulation strategies were 1) deletion of the taboo concepts, 2) substitution of the concepts with totally different concepts, and 3) attenuation of the forbidden words, that is to say, expressing them in a more polite, softer language. Although the manipulation mechanism is most effectively in place, the translators seemed to have occasionally applied creative strategies to evade the imposed manipulations. Such counter-manipulative strategies were classified as legitimization, archaism, use of less familiar words, degenderalization, denunciation and borrowing in this study.  

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In the early human thought, the objects or person's names were consistent with his essence, because primitive man thought that the relationship between the name and object or person is not conventional, and the forces of evil can harm him through his name. This vision is not spatially bounded, and there is in all societies and to all of them has been imposed special rules as taboo naming. In Iranian folklore and Shahnameh, we can easily see the following statements: Sometimes the name is same person's essence. This kind of taboo is seen when Rostam speaks about Siavash murderers by Human. Another example of taboo is the choice of two names to escape the magic injury. We can see this kind of taboo in the southern coast of Iran and among Turkmens. In Shahnameh we can see this factor in the story of Ghobad and Shide. The third example of taboo naming is to not say the name in the battlefield. This can be seen in the following two ways in the Shahnameh: 1- to repudiate the name explicitly. 2- to avoid saying the name. The latest example of taboo naming is replacing or renaming, that were used for deceiving spirits and escape from their damage.

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Taboo, as a belief in the existence of a transcendental and sanctifying force in a number of objects, plants, animals, and humans, is a prominent conceptual concept in the field of literary and anthropological studies. Each taboo, with its two characteristics of "sanctity" and “abstinence ", reminds its believers, a number of collective do's and dont's. Taboos, with their various functions, both in the past and in modern times, have a prominent place in collective relations. Since epic works are mythological manifestations and contain visible and hidden traces of the first eras of human life, by examining the taboo in these works, we can better understand the beliefs, do's and dont's and the type of thought that governs primitive society.The present article, which has been written with an analytical-comparative approach and from a taboo point of view, aims to acquaint the reader with the identical and dissimilar ideas of three peoples: Sumerians, Indians and Iranians, in three historical periods. Research shows that taboo beliefs and laws, with similar or dissimilar functions, play a prominent role in the three epic works, Gilgamesh, Ramayana and Garshasbnameh, and to the actions-reactions of epic-mythical characters. They give a special direction and this indicates the homogeneity of the type of functioning of the human mind, in different prehistoric-historical periods, in different geographical areas.

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In this research, taboo and euphemism are examined with a socio-cognitive perspective. The study is conducted on the structures of expressions in Persian and English and 15 pairs (30 items) of these terms are compared and contrasted. Social topics such as social variables, taboo and euphemism, cognitive subjects including schema applications, and metaphors are included in this investigation. The main purpose is to clarify the similarities and differences existing in the two languages. Data are analyzed analytically and descriptively. The results show that the terms that contain taboo, are converted to other terms that have a kind of euphemism, so they are euphemized in order to be accepted in the society. The data is part of the most commonly used idioms and proverbs used in Persian and English. We collected the data from the documentary, library, electronic sources like internet, and also used the related books in relation to the types of idioms and proverbs in two languages. The research hypothesis is that although in the surface structure and objective representation of the two-languages, speakers have differences in the use of taboo and euphemism, but in the underlying structure of the languages, there are very similar concepts based on cognitive-socio elements of language. These concepts are coded through metaphors in the minds of the speakers. In this study, we will answer the following question: Based on which schemas taboo
and euphemism are formed in the minds of the speakers in these two languages? And what are social aspects of these two issues? Variables of style, gender, age, occupation, social class and power; as well as force, event, object and possession schemas have been mostly used in the structures of expressions. Sometimes people look at the subject from one point of view; sometimes this point of view involves several topics. Based on the subject in their mind, an expression that has the right schema is selected. The expressions in both languages have the same semantic underlying structure and subject, but in the surface structure, the objective representation and the structure of each item are different. In fact, every term has a kind of conceptual metaphor in its structure that forms a kind of connection between the underlying structure of that term in terms of its semantic and its surface structure, in terms of constituent words. Therefore, the concept and subject are the same, but the ways to deal with these concepts are different. As mentioned, most of the schemas used to create these terms are force (or power), event, object and possession schemas. Volumetric, motor and surface schemas are used at lower levels. Meanwhile, the types of application and structures used in taboo and euphemisms depend on the positioning of individuals based on the principles of politeness, which points to the link between social and cognitive foundations. In sum, the study of the collection of these elements, with a cognitive-socio approach, in relation to taboo and euphemisms, in English and Persian is a systematic and new study that we investigated in this research in details.
 

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The oral culture of the Iranian people is a mysterious and untapped world, the study of the delicate content of which can open new perspectives to the world of anthropology and human sociology. The present study tries to analyze and use the cultural elements and popular beliefs common among the people of Sarkavir region in the south of Semnan province in the proximity of the desert plain, to explain the concept of taboo among the people of this land. To this aim, the themes of taboo in the folk literature are categorized into two parts: The first one concerns the taboo words and languages, and the second one concerns the behavioral and material taboos in the customs of the people. The study found that the behavioral taboos are related to marriage, the dead and the mourning customs, taboos of the people's names, occupations and other social taboos which are content-analyzed based on the local narratives.
Background
The oral culture of the Iranian people is a mysterious and untapped world. Sigmund Freud, in the second chapter of his book, Totem and Taboo (1984), has studied and analyzed this concept among the elders and heroes, and the dead. Borujeni (2010) has studied the concept of taboo in stories written by Hedayat, Ahmad Mahmoud, Chubak, and Simin Daneshvar. Rahimi Talab (2011), in his dissertation entitled Knowledge of Totem and Taboo in the Legends of Gilan, has explained the manifestations of taboo in the folktales of Gilan. But, so far, no research has been done specifically on the concept of Taboo in Sarkavir folklore.
Aims
The purpose of this study, in the first place, is collecting and introducing some common and living taboos among the residents of Sarkavir. It also analyzes its content and shows its ancient roots and connection with some long-standing rituals and mythical traditions. Analyzing the taboos, it was revealed how the taboo themes are used in the oral culture of behavioral and social traditions. Also, some cultural and climatic characteristics of the people of this land have been identified.
Theoretical framework
Popular beliefs are among the major and valuable resources of humanity. By studying them, some of the beauties of an ancient and growing culture can be recovered and represented. Linguistic and cultural taboos are one of the aspects of literary and social aesthetics in the folklore of people in any nation. The language of taboo has a direct and clear relationship with the popular culture, to the extent that forbidden behaviors or words and interpretations will not be comprehensible and tangible, unless the dominant cultural context and the intellectual system of society are analyzed.
As one of the fundamental propositions, taboo has a significant application in recognizing religious beliefs. Taboo is a kind of sanctity for the tribal Totem and its ban stems from a threat to the tribal totem.
The word taboo literally does not have a clear meaning. It is a term derived from the Polynesian language that semantically contains two opposing concepts: on the one hand, it means sacred, and on the other hand, it evokes dangerous, horrible, forbidden, impure, and mysterious meanings (Freud, 1984, p. 31). The trace of the concept of taboo is prominent in the oral culture of the inhabitants of Sarkovir.
Despite forgetting much of the ancient customs, this part of beliefs continues to maintain its function and strength, and plays a significant role in people's social life. This is due to the cultural isolation of the region and the reduction of media and cultural relations with large human societies over the past decades. In this article, taboo propositions in Sarkovir folklore are divided into two general categories: The first one concerns the taboo words and languages, and the second one concerns the behavioral and material taboos in the customs of the people.
In Sarkovir dialect, there are words, the use of which have been severely banned by society and not used except in emergencies. Instead, an equivalent word called euphemism (well-intended interpretation) is used, which is a word devoid of vulgarity and unpleasantness (Sabzian and Kazzazi, 2010, p. 202). Apart from avoiding the use of taboo words, the people of Sarkovir consider doing some things to be illegal for themselves, the most important of which are mentioned below.
Marriage-related taboos generally include the following: marriage with a stranger, showing the happiness of the bride and the bride's relatives at the wedding ceremony, putting henna on the bride's palm or soaking it by the widow, and leaving home by the bride during the wedding days.
Taboos related to the dead are among the most serious and prominent taboos in Sarkovir and include the following: relatives' celebrating of the dead, leaving the corpse alone at night, crying over the corpse at night, washing the corpse by a non-family member, burying the dead at night, attending the graves of the dead on Thursday evening, and using the corpse's accessories.
Taboos related to people's names are: Saying the name of the wife, and choosing the name of the grandfather for the grandchildren.
Taboos of occupations are: Blacksmith, wheat collector, and bath man.
Special taboos on farming include: stepping on a green wheat field, and selling ancestral agricultural land.
Taboos related to gender are: a boy sitting on the edge of the oven, and the women wearing white pants.
Other taboos include: pouring boiling water on the ground, pissing in water, farting, and picking nails.
By examining these cases, one can realize the behavior and some of the lifestyles of people in this region.
Conclusion
Based on the objective observations and face-to-face interviews with the people living in the Sarkovir region, the present study has studied the concept of taboo in oral culture. The study focused on a brief review of the concept of taboo, and then categorized it in the social life of inhabitants in the area. Accordingly, the types of taboos have been separated and discussed. The first general conclusion to be drawn is the discovery of cultural beauties and linguistic delicacies which is evident among one of the Iranian tribes. Due to their natural and inner taste, people in Sarkovir have realized that instead of words, phrases and themes of the taboo, they need to use some alternatives and euphemism. Moreover, through this research, the invisible but inseparable link between the Iranian subcultures and the ancient and deep-rooted rituals of the ancient humans can be explained and explored.
References
Afraz Borujeni, M. (2010). Investigating the content and linguistic structure of taboo words in some contemporary Persian stories. Master Thesis, Shahrekord University.
Avesta: The oldest Iranian songs and lyrics. (2007). Morvarid.
Freud, S. (1984). Totem and Taboo (translated into Farsi by Iraj Poorbaqer). Asia.
Gignoux, P. (2004).  ArdavirafName. Moin.
Rahimitalab, F. (2011). Recognition of totems and taboos in the legends of Gilan. Master Thesis, University of Guilan.
Sabzian, S., & Kazazi, J. (2010). Dictionary of literary theory and criticism. Morvarid
Tabatabayi, S. (216). Selected of Sarkavir proverbs (in Farsi). Hablerood.
Interviewees:
 MahPari Aghayan. 76 years old, illiterate, housewife.
Fateme Akbari, 77 years old, illiterate, housewife.
SeyedMirza Tabatabayi, 92 years old, illiterate, farmer.
Leila Tabatabayi, 79 years old, illiterate, housewife.

Kheir-Al-Nesa Mirzay. 69 years old, illiterate, housewife.